"The theoretical matter has been discussed, so what will China in the future look like?" the chairman said calmly.

This sentence made Liu Baiyu pale - what if the future pink China makes the revolutionary predecessors of the past disgusted, and if he is kind to do bad things, he will have a counterproductive effect?

"Don't worry, Comrade Bai Yu, I still know this. It is difficult for the country to avoid rigidity and dogma, and it is difficult for the American system to avoid disorder and chaos... You should try to talk about it objectively!"

The Chairman's gentle words made Liu Baiyu brave and said as much as possible:

"What will China in the future look like?" "It's really hard to describe, because what I'm experiencing is only the life of the class I'm in, and my eyes are limited to the intuition and imagination of our class." Liu Baiyu spread his hands, "But for those who have experienced the Stalin system and the American system at the same time, neither life is an easy life. But after all, we have to look forward, there are many flies and mosquitoes coming in, but after all, the dividends brought by becoming a world factory are huge."

"Then look forward?" The chairman frowned, "You mean that the future of becoming a world factory, the better? Even if there are many shortcomings?" "It's hard to say, is it objective?" Liu Baiyu frowned and rubbed his nose. "Because the dividend of China becoming a world factory allows China to maintain an annual growth rate of 8%, so it doesn't matter if there are more flies and mosquitoes. However, with such development, there are always various problems. The problems brought by 8%. After all, economic growth cannot solve all problems."

"What about your opinion, Comrade Bai Yu? I think you agree that our country should implement the Stalin system for 15 to 20 years, but there should also be some channels to align with the Western world economy. For details, we also need to see what tricks you, a comrade from the future, have." The chairman asked with a smile.

"If possible - can I ask my seniors to do what I said - if there is, change it, and if there is no, encourage it?" Liu Baiyu swallowed and said nervously. "If possible, then I will talk about my own opinions." The people present exchanged glances with each other. "Of course, Comrade Baiyu, don't worry, in our eyes, are you just a baby!" Premier Wu Hao said.

"Okay, I don't understand the major policies. For specific issues, my suggestions are as follows: First, take out medicines from the future, which are all special medicines in this era. If the bourgeoisie abroad works hard to block China, the big bourgeoisie will still cure diseases, right? Of course, it would be better to sell toys and other luxury goods. And now that World War II has just ended, there are still many wartime materials in Britain that can be used for cost-price or even deal with."

"Yes, in fact, we have always had comrades working on the Hong Kong-UK trade line. In the past, there was insufficient capital, but now that we have the capital, we naturally have to do big business." Chairman Li Desheng nodded.

"Second, select elite party members who understand foreign trade to form a Ministry of Foreign Trade, mainly study the economic dynamics and legal knowledge of Western countries, and combine the future international mineral materials I sent - seize the opportunity of future shrinkage of Britain and France, and obtain the mineral property rights of some third world colonial countries - this is a huge profit."

"Now comrades who understand economy are very precious. They are usually in leadership positions at the municipal level - well, I'll do work - they are still party members after all, so sacrifice them." Comrade Hu Fu said hesitantly. After all, in the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, primary school culture was called high school primary school, and elite party members who understand economy - who understand foreign trade are generally in the positions of county magistrates, county party secretary, etc. - giving up this kind of real power Bailihou, and becoming a section chief or even clerk of ministries and commissions - only an advanced organization like the Communist Party can do it with an order.

"Bai Yu, what you said is to take over the mineral property rights of some third world colonial countries - this is certainly a huge profit, but is it suspected of imperialism? After all, we are a socialist country and some things cannot be done." Prime Minister Wu Hao asked hesitantly.

"This... cannot be said to be imperialism - you see, after all, in the future, China will be able to use products such as mobile phones and TVs so that underdeveloped countries in Africa can afford it - you see, many underdeveloped countries are not good at doing industry - is this a reasonable division of labor..."

Liu Baiyu explained guiltily, but he immediately felt relieved - China is giving money and selling things at a cheap price. Where is the West? Either using force to grab it - or using law or patents to cheat - if we say that we are still imperialism, then the more kind Chinese person is the Virgin...

"I think what Bai Yu said makes sense. Since many underdeveloped countries do not have the ability to manage their resources - it is also possible to be managed by our socialist country, China - will they jointly develop them in the future?" The chief designer came out to rescue Liu Baiyu.

"I don't think too far. There is a technical problem - Comrade Bai Yu took out medicines from the future. In this era, it is true that they are special medicines, but it is difficult to make foreign capitalists believe that China, a country that is in destruction, can come up with such magical medicines - it is also difficult, I have to think of a solution!" The chief accountant thought of a detailed question.

"Please be in the name of East Germany. After all, East Germany's technology is still very well-known in the West. At most, it is impossible to organize PLA veterans to enter the factory to change their packaging - the veterans' organization and discipline are trustworthy. By the way, East Germany's universities and technical schools are good. Can we make films and change services? Take the opportunity to lay eggs and use twelve or thirteen-year-old young international students to let East Germany train a large number of talents for our New China." Liu Baiyu's thinking is jumping, and he can't think of any good ideas himself. Once there are too many people, he will come up with some good ideas.

"Comrade Bai Yu's method is good, and talent is the most rare - we must do a good job of selecting materials for young international students who go to East Germany. Comrade Bai Yu continued..." Chairman Li Desheng thought it was reliable for Liu Baiyu, a twelve or thirteen-year-old young international student to go to East Germany, and nodded in contemplation.

"Third, I wonder if I can give the Soviet Union some future scientific and technological information to exchange for the Soviet Union to let Outer Mongolia return to the motherland - in the era when nuclear weapons become decisive weapons in the future - it will be even more difficult to recover territory. And it would be a pity if the massive underground resources in Outer Mongolia were not taken into their hands."

Liu Baiyu is the same as every modern person’s resentment about Outer Mongolia. He is deeply saddened and now he has the opportunity to change - he naturally blurted out.

While forcing the northeast and northwest territories of China, Tsarist Russia deliberately sought to occupy our Mongolian region to realize its "yellow Russia" dream. It successively formulated the "Miler Plan", "Mulaviev Plan", and "Badamayev Plan", and arrogantly proposed to occupy a large area of ​​Chinese territory from Siberia to the foot of the Great Wall. In order to achieve this goal, a series of despicable methods were adopted. However, in the Sino-Russian Treaty before 1870, although China's sovereignty was seriously damaged, the iron fact that Mongolia belonged to China did not change. However, Tsarist Russia was still ambitious!

How Outer Mongolia separates from the embrace of the motherland? We need to start from the early Qing Dynasty. In the early Qing Dynasty, Mongolia was divided into three parts: South Desert, North Desert, West Desert, West Desert, Mongolia is called Inner Mongolia, West Desert and North Desert are Outer Mongolia, and Outer Mongolia has greater autonomy. In order to prevent the separatist rule of Outer Mongolia, the Qing court set up ministers in Kulun (Ulaanbaatar) and held regular military exercises to ensure the stability of the territory. In the early Qing Dynasty, Tsarist Russia continued to invade Mongolia. During the Kangxi period

A Mongolian, which lived north of the Tianshan Mountains, colluded with the Tsarist Russian rebellion. Under Kangxi's personal expedition, he suppressed the rebellion in 1697. However, Tsarist Russia still caused trouble on the border. The "Chaktu Border Agreement" signed by China and Russia in 1727 confirmed that Mongolia belonged to China, but Tsarist Russia's power also crossed Siberia and extended to the Baikal area, leaving hidden dangers for the later independence of Outer Mongolia. The Qing Dynasty only wanted to "divid and govern it" at first, but did not expect that a Mongolian would be split in the future.

In 1911, the Xinhai Revolution broke out in China. Tsarist Russia believed that the time for splitting Mongolia had come, so it began to cultivate pro-Russian forces, and distributed weapons in large quantities to prepare for the independence of Outer Mongolia. At the end of the year, under the command of the Russian Consul General of Tsarist Russia, Chinese officials were expelled and independence was declared. A year later, the Russian-Mongolian Agreement and the Business Delegation were signed. These two treaties established that Tsarist Russia actually ruled Mongolia. The news came out, and the whole country was in angered, from the government to the public, Inner Mongolia also issued a solemn declaration that it did not recognize all treaties of the Kulun pseudo-government.

In 1913, at the peak of Yuan Shikai's treason, Tsarist Russia took advantage of the internal and external difficulties of the Yuan government and signed a "Sino-Russia Statement" with Yuan, confirming that China was the suzerain of Mongolia and changed "independence" to "autonomous". However, the Chinese government could not station troops and immigrated to Outer Mongolia, while Tsarist Russia could, and Mongolia's affairs needed to be resolved by the two countries. The treaty made China have a false reputation of the suzerain, but Tsarist Russia still controlled Outer Mongolia. In 1915, the Sino-Russia-Mongolia Agreement was signed to confirm the documents of 1913, and Tsarist Russia was very satisfied with this.

In 1917, the Russian Revolution, "autonomous" Outer Mongolia lost its backer, and Outer Mongolia returned to the embrace of the motherland. In 1918, the Chinese government stationed troops in Kulun on the grounds of preventing the spread of Sovietism and the turbulence of Siberia. In 1919, the garrison reached a document "64 Articles to Improve Mongolia's Future Status" with the upper class of Outer Mongolia, demanding the abolition of autonomy, but was not approved by the Outer Mongolia "Parliament". In November, the Chinese government forcibly passed the government order to abolish autonomy and abolish the treaty before 1915, and set up an administrative office in Kulun. However, the victory of the Russian Revolution affected Outer Mongolia. Suhebatol and Chobashan, the pioneers of ethnic separation in Outer Mongolia, actively sought help from the Soviet Communist Party to seek to establish an independent Mongolia. The Soviet Communist Party rebelled on the issue of China and instead supported the separation movement in Outer Mongolia.

In March 1921, Su Heqiao led the establishment of the Mongolian People's Army and the Mongolian Provisional Government. In June, the Soviet Union dispatched the Red Army. In July, the People's Army and the Soviet Red Army entered Kulun City. Considering the special circumstances of Outer Mongolia at that time, Suhebatol and Chobashan presided over the establishment of the constitutional monarchy "Mongol People's Revolutionary Government", with the royal power Bokdoggen as the monarch. In order to maintain the separatist government, Su and Chobashan asked the Soviet forces to protect the Soviet forces, agreed to the Soviet troops and assist in the encirclement and suppression of the Belarusian bandit army and the hostile forces. In 1922, Suhebatol signed an agreement, and the Soviet Union took the lead in recognizing the "independence" of Outer Mongolia. In 1923, Suhebatol died, and in June 1924, Chobashan launched

The highest right of the "Mongolian People's Republic" belongs to Dahular, and does not have a president, and the government usually handles state affairs. In November, the first Dahular Conference was held in Kulun, establishing a pro-Soviet Republic as an unchangeable national policy, allowing the Soviet Union to garrison troops, formulate a "constitution" imitating the Soviet Union, and changing Kulun to Ulaanbaatar (Red Warrior City). The Beiyang government and civilians felt intolerable and hoped to send troops or use the help of Britain, the United States, and the Sun to interfere. The Beiyang government led by Cao Kun and Wu Peifu was very annoyed by the incident, but given the weak national strength and the unfavorable situation, it only issued a stern but ineffective government statement, and did not recognize the independence of Outer Mongolia.

The illegal independence of Outer Mongolia was unanimously protested by the Chinese people. In view of this, the Soviet Union sent heavy troops to protect "independence" on the one hand and signed a mutual assistance agreement with Outer Mongolia to station troops on a large scale. On the other hand, the Sino-Soviet Agreement signed in 1924 recognized Outer Mongolia as part of China. In 1927, when Chiang Kai-shek presided over the central government, the Soviet Union asked China to recognize Outer Mongolia's independence. Chiang Kai-shek called back and refused, and ordered the rulers of Outer Mongolia to give up "independence" and return to China. In 1928, the Soviet Union used the justification of suppressing the rebellion.

When marching into Outer Mongolia, Mongolian unified people asked the Republic of China government to send troops to Outer Mongolia, and the Sino-Soviet army fought a small-scale battle on the eastern border of Outer Mongolia. The Soviet army was unwilling to engage in major incidents and announced the withdrawal of Outer Mongolia, and the Chinese army did not enter Outer Mongolia again. Since then, the Chiang government was busy "suppressing bandits" in the south. The subsequent Sino-Japanese War made the Nanjing government unable to do anything about Outer Mongolia. The pro-Soviet Chobashan took the opportunity to develop again, and Japan also created the independence of Manchuria and Mongolia. Outer Mongolia even signed a "border" agreement with the puppet Manchukuo to engage in separatist activities.

In 1945, Japan was defeated, and the Sino-Soviet negotiations again involved the Outer Mongolia issue. In 46, the representatives of Outer Mongolia negotiated with the Nanjing government to negotiate the issue of sovereignty of Outer Mongolia. The Soviet Union was determined to create Outer Mongolia independence, repeatedly caused frictions on the Sino-Soviet border, and invaded our Xinjiang and Mongolia regions many times. They used China's civil strife to move the military control line south, inciting the Outer Mongolia regime and people's anti-HUA sentiment in ethnic, economic and political terms, and at the same time tried every means to win the recognition of the international community. The 45th Yaerta Conference allowed the Soviet Union to gain benefits in China, including the lease of Lushun and the priority use of Dalian Port, while ensuring that Outer Mongolia maintains the status quo of separatism. To ensure the implementation of the Yalta Agreement, the Soviet Union invited the Nanjing government to go to Moscow to negotiate, and the Chinese delegation headed by Song Ziwen met with Stalin and Stadium.

Lin pointed to the signatures of Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union of the Yalta Agreement and demanded that China agree to the independence of Outer Mongolia, and pointed to the map and said, "Once the enemy uses Outer Mongolia to attack Siberia, the Soviet Union's Far East will be isolated. Although the Sino-Soviet alliance agreement is not enough to ensure the long-term interests of the Soviet Union. Only Mongolia, which is independent and aligned with the Soviet Union, can ensure the security of the Soviet Union. China has no choice but to recognize Outer Mongolia's independence!" Stalin's tough attitude made Chiang Kai-shek send Chiang Ching-kuo to send the Soviet Union again, but it was still useless. After some consideration, Chiang Kai-shek sent Song Ziwen to agree to concessions on the Outer Mongolia issue in exchange for the Soviet Union not supporting the CCP militarily, but Outer Mongolia independence requires a "referendum". Song Ziwen was unwilling to bear the reputation of stolen the country, so he immediately resigned and handed over the task to Wang Shijie for completion.

On August 10, 1945, Wang learned that Japan planned to accept the Bocitan announcement. Because he was afraid that the Soviet army would become more tough after occupying the Northeast, he held a second round of talks with Stalin that night. Stalin agreed to cancel the requirement of joint management of administrative officials stationed in Lushun and Dalian, and agreed to withdraw all Soviet troops from the Northeast three months after Japan surrendered. However, he asked China not to raise the requirement of border division on the issue of Outer Mongolia independence. Outer Mongolia mainly had border demarcation issues with Xinjiang. The former Altai area belonged to Outer Mongolia before 1911, and after Outer Mongolia was independent, it was transferred to Xinjiang. The Soviet Union demanded that the Altai area be included in Outer Mongolia, but was rejected by Nanjing. Because in 1944,

There was a rebellion in the Altai region, and Chiang Kai-shek had great doubts about the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was also afraid that Nanjing would delay approving the "referendum" of Outer Mongolia by taking advantage of the border demarcation issue, making Outer Mongolia independent without a title. In the following talks, the Soviet side threatened that if the agreement was not approved, "Inner Mongolia will also apply to join Mongolia!" In view of the development of the battlefield in the Northeast, Chiang Kai-shek finally made a vague statement and asked Wang Shijie to deal with it at the temporary level. In this way, Nanjing made another step on the issue of demarcation. From October 10 to 20, 1945, Outer Mongolia held a total of 13,000 voting, with a total of 381,242 votes. As a result, all of them favor independence and no one objected.

On January 5, 1946, the Nanjing government, who was unable to make a comeback, officially announced the independence of Outer Mongolia, which officially left Mongolia's "home". The final separation of Outer Mongolia was the darkest page since the Republic of China!

Of course, in terms of neutrality, unlike ordinary yy novels, if China is fully pro-American in reality, then the Soviet Union will inevitably weaken China. Given the long border line between the Sino-Soviet border, the Soviet Union would not be able to balance what the United States had gained in China without significantly cutting off China's territory - and China, which was in disarray at the time, could not resist the powerful steel torrent of the Soviet Union. This is why the Chinese Communists led by Chairman Li Desheng were first one-sided and obtained the support of the Soviet Union to establish a complete industrial system - and then resolutely left the Soviet camp after possessing nuclear weapons.
Chapter completed!