The unanimous opposition from the senior leaders of the East *** state made Borotin unable to act alone or be a person who would easily make concessions. After the Guangdong District Committee hit a wall, he turned to persuade the Shanghai Central Committee. In his letter to Chen Duxiu and Peng Shuzhi, he clearly expressed his hope that the ** could make concessions and accept the request of not participating in this National Government.

**The Central Committee held an extraordinary meeting in a gray building in the concession to discuss Borotin's suggestion. Chen Duxiu was even more dissatisfied with participating in the government. He sarcastically said indifferently: "The time for China's socialist revolution has not yet come, so I hurriedly wanted to become an official." Peng Shuzhi also agreed not to participate: "Zhongfu is right, let the Kuomintang do the government affairs, and we don't need to be that official. If we really become an official, we may soon be separated from the masses and become bureaucrats."

Zhang Guotao felt something was wrong. After all, this was Borotin's family's words, so he said tactfully: "Comrade Zhongfu, are we asking for the opinions of the Guangdong District Committee? What do they mean?"

"What does it mean? What else can it mean? I think they lived too comfortable in Guangdong. The development of the workers' movement in Guangdong has always been unsatisfactory. As for the farmers' association, except for Peng Pai who set up a few in Hailufeng, the farmers' associations in other places have not been established. Such good conditions, but..., tell them to do something steadily and not always think about joining the government." Chen Duxiu said with a cold face.

"I have no objection to entering the government or not. I want to talk about some of the problems exposed by our party since the Five Movement," Cai Hesen said as he coughed twice again. Seeing his uncomfortable look, Chen Duxiu said with concern: "Comrade Hesen. You should go to the hospital for a check-up. Don't be too tired." Cai Hesen waved his hand and said that he was fine.

"Since the Five Movement, our party organization has done some work in the early stages, but as the movement deepens, our party's leadership over the movement is obviously insufficient. Party cadres are busy all day long and do not grasp the key points. Now I feel that it is not us leading the movement. It is the movement pushing us forward. This is a major mistake in our work."

Cai Hesen's words were very sharp. There was a silence during the meeting, and Li Lisan felt a little aggrieved. He was the chairman of the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions and the party led the Five Movement. Cai Hesen's words undoubtedly accused him of his poor leadership over the movement. However, he could not refute Cai Hesen's criticism. The 17th article proposed by the General Chamber of Commerce was modified to 13, but these 13 were opposed by the representatives of the trade union, believing that the concessions were too great. Li Lisan was almost knocked down from office after accepting the 13th article.

"Comrade Hesen's criticism is a fact, but the main position of our party to lead the Five Movements is the Shanghai Federation of Trade Unions. There are hundreds of employees of the Federation of Trade Unions and more than one hundred subordinate trade unions. There are too many affairs and too few cadres, so there are not enough."

Zhang Guotao also has the same feelings as Li Lisan. Zhang Guotao was appointed by the Central Committee to guide the Shanghai Labor Movement. He took over Li Lisan's words and said: "Comrade Lisan's words are right. The problem is that our party's strength is too weak. All the power that the entire Shanghai party can use is invested in the Federation of Trade Unions, but despite this, it is still difficult."

"I did not accuse Comrade Lisan and Comrade Guotao. My opinion was the same as theirs. The purpose of my raising this question was to hope that the Central Committee could reconsider the way of cooperation with the Kuomintang. At present, this way of cooperation has seriously restricted the development of our party. Zhongfu just said that Guangdong had such good conditions, but why did it not develop? I think it was still affected by the intra-party cooperation, so I solemnly proposed to the Central Committee to modify the current cooperation method from intra-party cooperation to out-party cooperation."

Cai Hesen's words finally irreversibly changed the topics of the meeting. There were disagreements on intra-party cooperation from the beginning. Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, and Cai Hesen all opposed intra-party cooperation at the time and advocated the establishment of a joint united front with the Kuomintang. However, at that time, the representative of the Communist International sent to China, Malin, who was a representative of China, firmly demanded that this form be adopted, and Li Dazhao also supported Malin's opinion. Differences broke out at the Third Party Congress. Zhang Guotao, Cai Hesen, Taizu, Malin, Qu Qiubai, and Zhang Tailei had a fierce debate for two weeks. When the two sides were quarreling, Malin's identity as a representative of the Communist International played an important role, which made Malin finally agree to adopt the method of intra-party cooperation, and Zhang Guotao was even excluded from the Central Committee.

After more than a year of practice, the disadvantages of intra-party cooperation have emerged. The number of party members has not changed significantly compared with the previous two years. The grassroots party cadres of the Party are busy establishing the Kuomintang party headquarters and neglecting the development of the ** party organization. Shanghai is the location of the ** central government, but the Shanghai party organization is developing slowly. It is not enough for a Five Movement to invest all the manpower of the Shanghai party organization.

Chen Duxiu was in a dilemma. He didn't think about the questions raised by Cai Hesen, but to change this decision, it must be approved by the Communist International. The central government has no right to modify such a major decision, but the Communist International will never agree to modify this decision.

"Intra-party cooperation is decided by the Communist International. As a subordinate organization of the Communist International, we must abide by international decisions. This is the party's organizational discipline." Chen Duxiu explained weakly.

"I do not agree with Comrade He Sen's opinion." Li Lisan said: "From this movement, the strength of the Chinese working class is still very weak and cannot lead the Chinese revolution. Therefore, it is necessary to adhere to the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. It is not impossible to adopt the method of internal development. It is just that the party members in various places are keen on developing the Kuomintang and ignoring the development of our party. This is their guiding ideology. I think the central government should remind them to pay attention to the development of our party while developing the Kuomintang."

"I also disagree with Comrade He Sen's opinion. After the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the situation in Guangdong has developed very well. The influence of our party has developed very quickly. Moreover, there is another purpose for intra-party cooperation to transform the Kuomintang. Can non-party cooperation achieve this goal? Obviously, we cannot be intimidated by temporary difficulties. We must have confidence that with the development of the revolution, we can develop party organizations and transform the Kuomintang. Both of these goals can be achieved." Qu Qiubai did not agree with Cai Hesen's opinion.

"I opposed intra-party cooperation because I was worried about losing the moral character of our party. Now it seems that this situation has not occurred in the party cooperation, but it has restricted the development of the party. This is what I did not expect. The Central Committee should make some suggestions on how to develop our party organization under the situation of intra-party cooperation to avoid ideological confusion among local comrades." Zhang Guotao tactfully expressed his agreement with Li Lisan's opinion.

Cai Hesen was about to speak and suddenly felt a sense of boredom in his chest, and a violent cough broke out. Li Lisan, who was sitting next to him, left immediately.

Then he gently patted his back, looked at Cai Hesen's appearance, and Chen Duxiu took a look at the courtyard.

"Just like this when participating in the National Government. As for other issues, wait and see." Chen Duxiu couldn't see clearly whether to change the cooperation within the party. However, one thing is that this decision was decided by the Communist International. It would be impossible to change without their consent, and it was even more difficult to convince them.

The young people, the elites of them have already noticed that the party's main strategies have deviated, but they lack the power to challenge authority, which has caused them to lose the opportunity to actively correct the situation until a year later, sorting out party affairs cases.

History rolls forward with great regrets, and history will be tenaciously deviated from the trajectory and reverse to the correct time track.

The countermeasures proposed by Zhuang Jihua at great risk were partially rejected by Chiang Kai-shek and Liao Zhongkai.

After reading Chiang Kai-shek's "Research on the Current Situation and the Countermeasures We Should Take" in one breath, Liao Zhongkai felt extremely shocked, even greater than the shock of Sun Yat-sen's telling him to reorganize the Kuomintang. He could have imagined how much turmoil would cause within the party if this strategy was fully adopted, not only within the party, but also within the party, but also within the **.

Put down the document. Liao Zhongkai looked at Chiang Kai-shek. He now understood why Chiang Kai-shek drove the others out of the room as soon as he entered the door. And Chiang Kai-shek was likely to agree with Zhuang Jihua's strategy, otherwise he would not show him the document. After thinking about it, Liao Zhongkai sighed and said, "Jieshi, it seems that you agree with his plan."

"I don't completely agree. Stubbornness is still too young." Chiang Kai-shek said in a deep voice: "He underestimated the great powers too much, and his estimate of our party is too high. However, the plan to rectify the finances and the army is feasible."

Liao Zhongkai nodded. Zhuang Jihua was not clear about the true strength of the Kuomintang. The grassroots Kuomintang organizations have always been dispersed, and there are even many places that cannot be said to be non-existent. Take Beijing as an example, the capital of the country, but there was no party department before the Prime Minister went north. Guangdong was the strongest area of ​​the Kuomintang. However, the county party department of many counties has not been established. Zhuang Jihua proposed to establish a party department in the township and villages.

"However, his analysis of some of the ills within the party is still correct, and developing young people to join the party is also a very correct idea." Liao Zhongkai was reluctant to give up this plan completely. The Kuomintang has been established for many years, and no one has formulated such a comprehensive development plan. Over the years, the Prime Minister has been planning different strategies based on the situation. Although he proposed the long-term goals of the party, he has never clarified the party's action program. The entire party building is in a stagnant state, and even had to introduce theories and personnel. The countermeasures proposed by Zhuang Jihua are not only feasible, but can also become the work policy of party building and military construction under expansion. His value to the Kuomintang is not excessive.

After a moment of calming down, Liao Zhongkai said to Chiang Kai-shek again: "It is impossible to implement it completely. It is unlikely to take over the Five Movements first, and ** will also launch a general strike in Hong Kong."

When Chiang Kai-shek heard the strike in Hong Kong, he couldn't help but interrupt Liao Zhongkai and asked: "Starting a strike in Hong Kong? That's not that we must bear all the pressure from the British. And once the strikers return to the mainland, how can we solve the problem of eating, clothing and accommodation for so many people? How much does it cost?"

"Yes, Deng Zhongxia came to me and I promised to give them a monthly fee of 10,000 oceans. Only 10,000 oceans were squeezed out from the gap. Once the National Government was established, there would be more money. What should I do then?" Liao Zhongkai felt worried when he thought about it.

"I think there is only unified finance. According to the Cultural Revolution, unified finance can not only make the government rich, but also prevent new warlords from appearing." The establishment of the National Government is still a secret for low-level officials like Zhuang Jihua, but it is open to senior officials like Chiang Kai-shek and Liao Zhongkai. The establishment of the National Government has entered the acceleration track. If Borotin had not been hesitating, he might have begun to discuss the personnel arrangements of the National Government.

"Yes, Tan Yankai, Zhu Peide and others, and even Li Renchao have expressed dissatisfaction with Ru's exclusive tax revenue in Guangzhou. After the tax is taken back to the government, these contradictions will no longer exist." Chiang Kai-shek had heard of what Liao Zhongkai said, but at this time he was confirmed by Liao Zhongkai in person, and he felt unspeakable happiness in his heart. He shot the first bird, Brother Xu, let you be proud for a while.

But Chiang Kai-shek did not speak. Liao Zhongkai knew about Chiang Kai-shek's relationship with Xu Chongzhi. He hoped to let him tell Xu Chongzhi to divide some of the interests through Chiang Kai-shek's mouth and balance the relationship between the various armies. However, he did not expect that Chiang Kai-shek would not take on this topic at all. He had to swallow the thoughts and blamed Chiang Kai-shek for only caring about brotherhood and the difficulties of the government. He knew that Xu Chongzhi was roasting on the fire, which was something he could not ask for.

"When it comes to this, Brother Zhongkai, our party army is expanded into division, but what should we do if the source of military expenditure?" Although Chiang Kai-shek was happy, the source of funds was not determined after the expansion of the party army, and the source of funds was actually tax.

All the troops in Guangdong intercept taxes to serve as military pay. The prerequisite for intercepting finance and taxation is to have territory. If the party and army do not have territory, they cannot intercept taxes.

Chiang Kai-shek's words meant that Liao Zhongkai found a way to help the party army get a piece of land so that he could collect some taxes.

"You also need to say that the party and army affairs are mine. Don't forget that I am still the political commissar of Huangpu. I am discussing with you and ask him to give him some taxes." Liao Zhongkai understood what Chiang Kai-shek meant, but what he didn't say was that Xu Chongzhi didn't want to give up at all. Xu Chongzhi proposed that the party and army funds were handled by the Soviet Union, but the funds provided by the Soviet Union were in trouble in the current Whampoa Military Academy, let alone the entire party and army.

But Chiang Kai-shek understood Liao Zhongkai's words and guessed that Xu Chongzhi refused, and he couldn't help but feel a little angry. But his face remained silent.

"That's good, otherwise we might have to drink porridge again next month."

"How could it be? It's different now than before. Don't worry, you will never let the party army drink clear soup and porridge." Liao Zhongkai saw Chiang Kai-shek's dilemma when the Huangpu school was founded, and he smiled and comforted him.

"By the way, Jieshi, did you report the situation of the Sichuan Army after returning from the Cultural Revolution?" Liao Zhongkai suddenly thought of the purpose of sending Zhuang Jihua to Lianshan.

"I've talked about it, and he proposed to adapt the Sichuan Army. The specific plan is here." As Chiang Kai-shek said that, he took out the "Sichuan Army Reform Plan" from his bag and handed it to Liao Zhongkai.
Chapter completed!