After listening to Kononov's report on the first negotiations, the Oriental Army Group Command was silent.

Marshal Weix pondered for a long time and asked, "Can I understand this way, he has no sincerity to surrender?"

"I don't think so, respected marshal, on the contrary, I think he is sincere." Kononov explained. "The reason he proposed to talk to him at a higher level was to find someone who keeps his word and has a weight so that his request could be kept."

"In your opinion, how many more days can the Russian army in the encirclement last?"

"About 10 days." Kononov thought carefully, "Although I was pushed in with a black cloth and couldn't see anything, my ears were not overtaken by the leader. I think he still controls the troops. Large-scale commotion and riots have not yet appeared, at least I haven't heard this sound."

"I have always been inclined to solve the problem of military solutions, so I have adopted a general policy of siege and no attack on the enemy, hoping to reduce losses when attacking, whether it is the Germans or the blood of friendly forces from all Eastern countries. The Head of State has sent two telegrams, hoping that we can adopt a political solution and think that this is more beneficial to us, so I need to hear your ideas." Weix said, "If you generally believe that the other party is unreliable or that it is just a means of delaying time by the enemy, I will launch an attack without hesitation."

Everyone turned their attention to Vrasov. Several division commanders of the Russian PLA did not want Vrasov to go. Since the establishment of the National Front and the Russian PLA, he was the person Stalin hated the most. If Leydir was cheating, the consequences would be too serious. As long as Vrasov refused to go or express different opinions, this matter would probably end here. However, they did not dare to say anything. The head of state said that he hoped for a political solution, which showed that this matter was very important in his mind. Weix could reject the head of state's idea, and they did not dare to try it easily.

"He asked me to go by calling me?" Vrasov, who had been thinking about something just now, smiled, "Then I'll go and see him. If I don't even have this courage, how can I talk about overthrow Stalin and rebuilding the new Russia?"

"You can go, be careful, be careful." Weix pondered for a moment and explained, "If they dare to be against you, I will not let them go in the end!"

"Thank you for your concern. I hope to get some authorization, such as whether I can agree to some small conditions that are irrelevant to the overall situation."

"In the authority of the Russian People's Liberation Army, you can make a free decision, beyond this authority..." Weix thought about it over and over again, "You can agree to them if it is not a major issue."

While heading to Tambov, Vrasov kept thinking: "What do he want to do?"

When they arrived at Tambov's headquarters, Vrasov and Leuter finally met. They stared at each other for 30 seconds. Vrasov stood attentively and saluted: "Comrade Commander, I'm very happy to see you safe and sound."

"I am very happy to see you coming. Comrade Stalin's mission can finally be completed." Leider smiled and said, "Although I can't escape the encirclement, I can finally kill you, which can be regarded as a way to eliminate the great enemy for the Soviet people."

Vlasov smiled, very calm, and didn't look panicked at all: "This is not your true thought, nor is it your best choice."

"Then tell me, what's my best choice?"

"Like your previous choice, turn the tyrants to the tyrants, fight side by side with us, and fight for the future of the Russian people."

"Shut up! No matter how bad the tyrant is, he is still his own people, and it is also for the strength and dignity of the country."

"Of course it's right to think so. The question is, what do those who died in the prison of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, those who died in the Gugra camp, and those who starved to death in the Great Famine? Even if they are as stupid as the Tsar, they will not attack their ministers and the marshals?"

Vlasov's words were very sharp: "I can understand that he was purged of Trotsky. This was a necessary way to consolidate the supreme power, but why should it be expanded to ordinary cadres and officers? Which generals such as Zhukov and Meletskov were not taken out of prison? Why don't people like Temuxine who ruined hundreds of thousands of troops go to prison? In the final analysis, he took his own interests and the interests of a group of people around him as the starting point and destination. Whether the party, the country, or the army, they are all tools for him to display his ambitions. The Tsar at least knew not to make the world so bad, because the country would belong to his son in the future. Does he have this awe?"

Leuter did not respond, and replied half a day later with an irresponsible question: "No matter what you think, you should not cooperate with the invaders, and you should not split the country."

"Of course I oppose countries including the Germans invading us. I fought many wars with the Germans on the Moscow front, but my attitude towards the Germans later changed." Vlasov said, "Of course they had to compete for their own interests and hegemony, but they did not seek our territory. They supported the independence of these republics and the independence of various ethnic minorities. If you had to make a metaphor, I think Mr. Hitler was closer to the United States' attitude towards hegemony. Most of the countries of South America, large and small, obeyed the United States and maintained a close position with the United States. But except for Mexico, have you seen which countries the United States occupied in the Americas? I believe you don't think that the United States is not strong enough."

"As for separating the country, what angle should we look at the problem? Ukraine, the Baltic Sea, the Caucasus, etc. are all territories seized by Russia. You can say they are part of us. What do the people above think? I heard that the Germans came, and the Ukrainian people welcomed them with bread and salt. Now the Germans presided over the collective farm distribution, and every household was assigned to the land, and the village even received valuable tractors and diesel. Everyone was grateful to the Germans. Every household had the portrait of the head of state that they voluntarily hung on. This was not much nobler than when we asked the portrait of Stalin to be hung below?"

Susaikov next to him was shocked: "Did they really divide the land? I thought it was a German rumor!"

"It is us who spread the rumors, Stalin, and the omnipresent Ministry of Internal Affairs!" Vlasov said with a serious expression, "This time we came 5 Ukrainian divisions, which were reorganized, and there are 8 volunteer soldiers in Ukraine. I believe you have seen it. The war is very brave, which is comparable to our best guards. If they were fighting for the head of state and the Germans, would they die like this? The Russian People's Liberation Army has 6 divisions this time, and the performance is also not bad. We have at least twice your strength, and all kinds of technical weapons and supplies are much better than you. Even so, the head of state still sent a telegram and proposed to suspend the attack and wait a moment. Do you know why?"

"Why?" Susaikov asked subconsciously.

"If you hunger, you will kill the Bryansk Front Army, you will kill the spirit, weaken the combat power and will to resist, and then slowly solve this, which will kill many people less, whether it is the Germans or the Eastern countries." Vlasov laughed, "According to your ideas, we are puppet troops, and it will not hurt if all the Germans die. If Stalin gives orders, they will only shout at any cost! Didn't I be captured just because of a sentence that would kill all the troops? There are no living people in his eyes, but all the machines used to achieve the goal."

The two opposite were speechless.

"Actually, I admire you very much. You dare to let go of the escaped soldiers. They were not blind. After coming here, they told me the situation. In Stalin's eyes, not to mention deserters, being prisoners are unforgivable." Vlasov pointed to Kononov who came with him. "Since the issuance of Order No. 270, he had set up three regiments in the concentration camp. At that time, there was no such thing as land! Now, we are the real revolutionaries. We respect the independence and liberation of all nations, respect the freedom of the people, bring them land and bread and win peace as soon as possible. This is what Comrade Lenin wrote in the October Outline."

Susaikov, who had been working in political work for many years, was so amused and crying. If he thought about it carefully, he felt that this was indeed the case.

"Okay, let's talk about it next." Leuter sighed, "What are you going to treat us?"

Since he was willing to talk, the matter would be easy to deal with. Vlasov breathed a long sigh of relief. Kononov's judgment was correct: Leiper had made up his mind, but he was a proud man, and he did not want to surrender humbly, and without a person of weight as a guarantee, he was not at ease with the consequences of the more than 100,000 army. After all, he was a humane commander, not a cruel and ruthless executioner.

"In order to reduce your psychological burden, I communicated with the Head of State several times and agreed to give you a name of "uprising in front of the formation" instead of "surrender." Vlasov listed the conditions:

First, the Bryansk Front Army put down its weapons and accepted the organization. After necessary sanctions and screenings, the troops were generally reorganized into the 2nd Army of the Russian People's Liberation Army. All actions during the war were written off;

Second, officers and soldiers who were unwilling to join the Russian People's Liberation Army arranged to work in Polish prisoners of war farms, and chose to stay or stay after the war;

Third, if it is determined that it does not meet the requirements for joining the army, other logistics and auxiliary work will be assigned within the Russian Liberation Front.

Fourth, except for the staff of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, all officers basically served in their original positions. Among them, Leuter served as vice chairman of the National Front in the name of the commander of the army, chief of staff of the Russian People's Liberation Army, and Susaikov served as vice chairman and in charge of party affairs.

Vlasov said: "If you are not satisfied with this arrangement, you can also serve as the chairman of the National Front. I will assist you in carrying out your work."

"Farewell, I can't do this position well." Leipzier sighed, "But I have a small request..." (To be continued.)
Chapter completed!