After February, Wang Maoru stayed in the Saltu military camp, and he was also waiting anxiously. He Anding, who knew Wang Maoru's plan, was also anxious. The general's move was really... and he would succeed.

While anxiously waiting for the turmoil in Russia, Jiang Fangzhen returned to China.

After Jiang Fangzhen held a funeral for Cai E in Japan, he decided to return to China. At this time, he was invited by Wang Maoru and Li Yuanhong. Li Yuanhong invited Jiang Fangzhen to serve as the senior secretary-general of the Presidential Office. Wang Maoru invited him to serve as the chief of staff of the Heilongjiang Provincial Army. One served in the country, one served in the local area, one served in the prosperous place Beijing, and the other was the snowy place in Heilongjiang. Li Yuanhong's envoy was full of confidence and believed that Jiang Fangzhen would definitely go to Beijing to serve.

Jiang Fangzhen also considered it. It was good to go to Beijing. Secretary-General of the Presidential Office, but could he show his ambitions? The government was not the final word of Li Yuanhong, but Duan Qirui. Going to Beijing would inevitably be hit by Duan Qirui. Although it was a place where the snow was icy, snow and cold, it was entrusted with important tasks. The Chief of Staff of the Army was more than ten thousand people.

After making up his mind, Jiang Fangzhen took a boat to Dalian first and came directly to Heilongjiang, which made Li Yuanhong's envoy angry and scolded Jiang Fangzhen for not being polite.

Because Jiang Fangzhen had conflicts with Zhang Zuolin in his early years, he did not consider this Northeast hero. Zhang Zuolin knew that Jiang Fangzhen passed by Shenyang. Although he showed a thirsty attitude, Jiang Fangzhen didn't even get off the train, which made General Zhang lose face.

Jiang Fangzhen's arrival made Wang Maoru ecstatic. Jiang Fangzhen got off the train. Wang Maoru jogged all the way and hurriedly grabbed Jiang Fangzhen's hand and said, "Brother Baili. Brother Baili, with you, I am like a fish in water."

Jiang Baili whispered: "What a big deal, isn't Xiushuai afraid of knocking off her teeth?"

"Why did Brother Baili say this?"

"Hmph, you dare to fight even the idea of ​​Zhongdong Road. It's really worthy of being Bei Shangwu."

Wang Maoru hurriedly covered his mouth and whispered: "Shh, how do you know?"

"After staying with you for a long time, I will naturally know your habits. If you don't make a sound, you will make a splash." Jiang Fangzhen said with a smile.

"Let's go, go, drink, drink." Wang Maoru took his hand and refused to let go for a long time.

Jiang Baili is the principal of Baoding Army Non-commissioned Officer College and Beijing Army University. He is also the chief instructor of the Model Corps. He can be said to be Wang Maoru's officers, 70% of them were his students, or had been his students. At the welcoming banquet to welcome Jiang Fangzhen, Jiang Fangzhen also felt the love of the Heilongjiang Army Officer Army.

Wang Maoru privately asked Zhu Yongquan and said that Jiang Fangzhen came here, and I wanted him to serve as the Chief of General Staff. If you serve as the Deputy Chief of General Staff, you have any grievances, dissatisfactions, and requests, even if you have any complaints, dissatisfactions, and requests, even if you have any questions, dissatisfactions, and said, "Su Shuai, if Principal Jiang is the Chief of General Staff, I am willing to polish the leather shoes for the principal, why not be dissatisfied? I raised one hundred hands to agree." Seeing that he was right, Wang Maoru said, "In the future, the General Staff Office will become the General Staff Department, and you will worry more." Zhu Yongquan was very happy to hear the news, and he had long left the dissatisfaction behind him.

Fortunately, Jiang Fangzhen is famous and talented, can suppress everyone and suppress everyone. His appointment did not arouse anyone's opposition.

Wang Maoru called Jiang Fangzhen, Zhu Yongquan, He Rufei, Li Delin, Li Pinxian, Gong Xiaoqi, Liu Jian and other subordinates together, walked to a big curtain, smiled at everyone, suddenly opened the curtain hanging on the wall, and presented a huge map to everyone. Wang Maoru took the baton and pointed at Harbin, saying loudly: "Next, let's study how to recover the western section of the Central and Eastern Railway."

At this time, Beijing was also full of Xiao Su. After Duan Qirui was persuaded to return, he acted even more eccentricly. Basically, he had to sign for administrative orders, and even if he didn't sign, he had to sign for the president. Li Yuanhong's subordinates wanted to peel off his skin and pull his tendons, but Li Yuanhong was so worried that he would not dare to take action without any soldiers.

In the Beijing Congress, members of various factions also formed a group of MPs. Former Kuomintang members formed a "Constitutional Discussion Conference", with about 400 members of Congress, which is the largest faction in the Congress. There are mainly three major factions: the largest faction is the "Kelu Group" composed of Zhang Ji, Wu Jinglian and others, the other two factions are the "Bingchen Club" composed of Lin Sen, Ju Zheng and others, and the "Taoyuan Group" composed of Sun Hongyi and others. Although these three factions are united, they are not a solid piece of cake.

Rukelu Group belongs to the "stable faction" and advocates supporting the current Duan Qirui Li Yuanhong Cabinet to ensure the stability of the regime; but the two factions such as the Bingchen Club belong to the "radical faction" and advocates fighting against the Duan Qirui Cabinet. About 150 members of the former Progressive Party Group formed a "Constitutional Research Association" to confront them. They opposed the two-chamber parliamentary system of the "Constitutional Discussion Association", local decentralization and other proposals, demanded the adoption of centralization, the implementation of a one-chamber parliamentary system, and supported the Duan Qirui Cabinet. In this "Constitutional Research Association", it was divided into the "Constitutional Discussion Conference" composed of Tang Hualong and others and the "Constitutional Research Association" composed of Liang Qichao, Lin Changmin and others.

In this way, the Constitutional Discussion Conference developed from the former Kuomintang MPs and the Constitutional Research Conference developed from the former Progressive Party MPs formed the "Convention Department" and the "Research Department" respectively. The former supported Li Yuanhong, while the latter supported Duan Qirui. Because the local decentralization of the "Convention Department" was widely combined with the appetites of warlords of various factions in the south, and the centralized claim of the "Research Department" catered to Duan Qirui's desire to regain local power and strengthen the central government's opinions, behind this group of MPs, there was a secret war between the non-Beiyang warlords and the direct warlords in the south against the Anhui warlords of the northern central government.

Since members of Congress are divided into factions, the Congress becomes lively, saliva and bricks fly together, and fists are all in blood. There are many members of Congress who are well-educated or new-school, but they often do not have so many rationality and elegance in Congress discussions. Personal attacks in language are light, and fights are also frequent. The gentle parliament quickly becomes a smoky world of fame and fortune. A group of Congress members collude with people for their own and factions, and even conduct money transactions.

Duan Qirui sent a telegram to Wang Maoru, asking Wang Maoru to send a telegram to support him. Wang Maoru immediately followed suit, supported Duan Qirui and supported Duan Qirui. Duan Qirui was wise, Duan Qirui was bold, and so on. With the support of Wang Maoru of the Northern Shangwu, Duan Qirui's situation became even more arrogant.

Li Yuanhong and Wang Maoru had no friendship, and had once made Wang Maoru bad. Therefore, they began to hate Wang Maoru.

Under Duan Qirui's repeated requests, the Beijing government finally issued a letter of virtue in March 19 of the Republic of China, drawing a clear line with Germany, and since then the two countries have broken off diplomatic relations.

Since President Li Yuanhong issued the Book of Desire, all German concessions in my country should be taken over by the Chinese local government, and German citizens are still regarded as expatriates and are temporarily allowed to retain China. Germany's Deutsche Bank suspended business. However, for these German facilities in China, other great powers were also taken away by them in accordance with the principle of being cheap and not taking advantage of the bastards.

The Germans in the Shanghai Concession actually started with the French, ordered the disbandment and expelled the Germans. In the Boxer Indemnity, Britain and France shamelessly demanded that the compensation for Germany should be placed in the British and French banks, and there was also a Dutch minister. Shamelessly said that he was entrusted by the German Emperor to temporarily take charge of the Boxer Indemnity to Germany.

After Wang Maoru learned about it, he scolded the Netherlands for being extremely shameless and the great powers for being extremely shameless, and asked the government to refuse to accept it. However, Wang Maoru was just a local warlord, which was not enough to influence the central government. And the central government was also actively looking for ways. Wang Maoru asked Babin Guyed and others to go to Shanghai, Qingdao, Tianjin, Wuhan and other places, saying that German expatriates could be accepted and protected, and at the same time hired them to serve their military government. Babin Guyed was also worried about the fate of his compatriots, so he hurriedly brought his compatriots to him with his subordinates.

At this moment, the famous bourgeois revolution broke out in Russia, the February Revolution (Russian Old Calendar System). In fact, since 1917, conflicts broke out in Russia. In the early February, in the cold winter, food shortages, people were living in poverty, and economic collapse, the inducement of the mass uprising was already complete. As a result, workers in the Russian capital St. Petersburg (then known as Petrograd) took the lead in launching a strike, launching the prelude to the Great Revolution. This strike swept the whole country and spread to the world. Workers from all over the world knew that they could fight for rights by strike.

On March 3, workers in the Ptilov factory in St. Petersburg announced a strike. Strike workers were fired, causing strikes in other factories. Some protesters demanded increased supply of bread, and some workers at the factory found reasons to continue the strike. Although the protesters occasionally clashed with government forces, no one was killed or injured on the first day. In the next few days, strikers gathered in St. Petersburg and the situation became increasingly tense.

On March 8, demonstrators held a series of gatherings and rallies to celebrate International Women's Day and gradually politicized the activities. Participants used more sensitive slogans in Russia for the first time, such as "Oppose War!" and "End the Dictatorship!" and so on. Under the intentional guidance of the Bolshevik Party, a joint general strike with 300,000 people participated in the major factories in the capital. The revolutionary storm scared Tsar Nicholas II, who ordered that he would take any measures to quickly restore the capital order. The arrest of the leaders of the Bolshevik Petrograd Committee and more than 100 other bourgeois revolutionary activists aroused great anger among the masses. They took to the streets to protest the government's atrocities.

This time, the conflict between the police and the public caused deaths and injuries between the two sides. The demonstrators prepared weapons and looted the police headquarters. On March 10, the Tsarist government sent a large group of soldiers to sweep the city. The soldiers initially supported the government and killed many demonstrators, but later more and more soldiers turned against each other and supported the uprising, which made the uprising more intense. At this time, the Tsar felt deeply uneasy, so he disbanded the Duma and ordered the election of an interim committee.

The Bolshevik Party Committee of the Vyborg District, which led the strike, decided to transform the general strike into an armed uprising and overthrow the Tsarist government. The workers immediately took action, captured the arsenal, seized guns and ammunition, built barricades, and fought with the reactionary military and police. At the same time, the workers also actively carried out their work to fight for the army. Under the propaganda and inspiration of the workers, tens of thousands of soldiers stood on the side of the revolution. Together with the uprising workers, they occupied the Tsar's nest, the Winter Palace and various government departments, and arrested the Tsar's grand zodiac.

The capital uprising was completely victorious. Nicholas II was unwilling to accept his defeat and immediately transferred troops from the front to try to retake the capital. However, the Tsarist army also under the influence of the revolution. Seeing that the situation was hopeless, Nicholas II was forced to retreat on March 15 and gave way to his brother Mikhail. The next day, Mikhail also announced his abdication. In this way, the Romanov dynasty that ruled Russia for 304 years was defeated by the February Revolution. The Russian bourgeois democratic revolution won the victory.

After the February Revolution, two rare coexistence of regimes in Russia appeared in history: one was the bourgeois interim government and the other was the Soviet Union for representatives of workers, peasants and soldiers. Since both sides each had their own positions, the Russian people did not know who to listen to.!~!
Chapter completed!