If you want to have exquisite petty citizens to support vote rights, they must protect their vital interests.

The petty citizens who were born in the old era were extremely exquisite. In summary, they hated officials and wealthy, and at the same time hated farmers and poor and hired workers.

However, at both ends of production relations in the new era, especially in places like Fujian where large families are scarce, most of the two people are born from small citizens. The further thing is the factory owner, and one step back is the proletarian hiring.

Bourgeois said that free competition is good, and you petty citizens are destroyed and cannot adapt to the times. Petty citizens think this is unfair and should establish an absolutely fair labor exchange, and full labor is exchanged for full consumption. Therefore, you big bourgeois should give us a fair competition environment morally and morally.

The working class said that the public ownership should be solved, and it is a means of production rather than a public ownership system, so that it can ensure that full labor is exchanged for full consumption, and it is not feasible to rely on morality and morality. The common people were frightened when they heard the three words of public ownership, and believed that this would deprive them of the channels for the rise through "hard labor", and cut off the superiority of the lower class when they were able to live a pity, and could deprive some of the property of the upper class but not possession.

Since this is the case, if you want to obtain the continuation and support of the most progressive vote rights issue in this chaos, you have to consider the attitudes of these petty citizens, and they must be closely related to them, otherwise it will be difficult to sustain.

If you want to deal with it, you can only find a way to invest money from the county-owned factories.

The petty citizens have a passionate compassion, which is their progressiveness. But once the price of this compassion is to collect taxes from them, they will object. In short, I pity them, but don't think about collecting money from me, and as for what to do, it has nothing to do with us, but we pity them and hope that their lives will be improved.

Big bourgeoisie also has their own considerations about the investment of county-owned factories. It would be best if, like the capitol tax, each class with a certain consumption capacity would charge a certain amount of tax.

It is precisely the robbery of the poor to help the poor, which can also trigger hatred and conflicts between the small-scale and the bottom-level, and turn that little mercy into a dispute over the vital interests.

If possible, it is best to collect taxes from rural areas and collect taxes from self-cultivated farmers to support the lower-level employees in the city. In this way, when there is an riot in the city in the future, the self-cultivated farmers can be directly suppressed.

In this way, the factory owners had reached a secret agreement with the Mo Party. At this time, the Mo Party no longer needed to compromise with them, but instead joined the small citizens to join the factory owners and big merchants with a knife.

When negotiating with the factory owner and the big businessman, he left a hole in which money came from, spreading rumors that they wanted to collect money from the petty citizens and farmers to buy the bottom, so that the petty citizens would still insist on the change of vote rights even though they knew that their demands had failed.

If we don’t even strive for this greatest progress, the Mo Party will have to choose to purge the party and split the progressive, democratic and lower-level factions within the party, and lick the capital group, perfectly reach an interest group with the big factory owners and big businessmen, transform into a free capitalist party, and only oppose feudalism, big families, anti-bureaucratic capital, and anti-old rights and not anti-capitalists.

In more than a month since the chaos at the beginning of the uprising to the fact that the Mo Party has regained the dominance of the lower-class movement, many of the Mo Party’s behaviors have been less grand and unbiased, turning their hands into clouds and rain, and instigating the chaos of the alliance and the union.

However, there is no way to do this. Any change will touch the interests of too many people, and it is impossible to achieve without bloodshed or conflicted in this process.

Just like the proposal of the county factory before, the factory owner and the big merchant did not agree, and they shouted that this was freedom, and they did not know how to prosper their lives at all, and they did not realize the counterattack of the old forces.

Since this is the case, there is no way. The Mo Party can only pay and shoot, and publish several sets of brochures on how to seize power and build barricades, making it look like they should stand on the side of the extreme radicals, relying on the petty citizens and extreme radicals to scare factory owners and big merchants.

After the factory owner compromised, he would return the core interests of the petitioners to the guild and sell them by smashing machines. Supporting the petition rights reform that only comes with interests, turning those at the bottom who were not originally considered humans in terms of vote rights, expanding the right to speak and basic foundation.

Only by fighting for power can one win, one's compromise and pleading for alms can only be exchanged for slaps in the face again and again.

Just like the story of Mo Zi saving Song, if Mo Zi had not sent 300 disciples to the head of the Song State early, but was just preparing to convince the King of Chu by reasoning... there would be no heart-wrenching story of Mo Zi saving Song. That would have been possible to leave such a last-minute story in history books: "Zhai Zhiying, defending against Song's unyieldingness, the king was angry, and cooking."

Although all this was not the ultimate goal of the Mo Party at this time, they, based on the future, began to strive for the most important change of the Republic in more than a hundred years, relying on a program that is still relatively perfect than other parties.

Relying on grassroots organizations and good reputation, the picket team that can prove that they have strength, and the huge amount of funds that Chen Jian can leverage in the party property that owns the ownership, the series of agreements reached behind it, are a big pit that has been buried for emerging capitalists eight years in advance... The Mo Party, which only maintained order in the early stage, even seemed to have given up the dominance this time, began to make efforts ten days before the election of the new council on October 17.

The perfect program began to propose to bring all the progressive forces relative to feudal remnants and family members to their own side, and clearly proposed a new council program that is more suitable for the times, loyal to the republic, committed to maintaining the integrity of the republic and respecting the taxes, fees and obligations of the republic and officials, and to the people of Fujian County.

The first of all programs is to be loyal to the Republic, safeguard the integrity of the Republic, recognize the unchangeable tax agreed by the Council of the Republic and its kings, and if the Republic suffers an invasion of the Fujian county, the people of the people will fulfill their obligations.

This is to ensure that the forces in the north cannot find excuses to wipe out this light fire of capitalist bean sprouts. In addition to Chen Jian going north to inciting the northern families to focus their attention and interests elsewhere to divert attention, the Republic did not have absolute power to suppress it at this time.

Minjun began to prepare for this day when Chen Jian started to make trouble ten years ago. Before the large-scale order of a large number of guns were made by Nanyang Company, Chen Jian had already spent a lot of money to build a gun workshop, and the amount produced in these years was absolutely a lot.

The Nanyang Company's warship and intern system, coupled with the fleet of Dahuangcheng, can ensure the naval advantages of Fujian City. The progress of mathematics and physics and the batch training of new schools can ensure that there are more excellent artillery soldiers here than the military schools of the capital.

At this time, the best choice for the old forces in the north is to chase them up, rebuild the backbone of officers who are mainly rich peasants and family forces, and retrain the self-cultivated cavalry who have been abandoned after the end of the Unification War. This takes time. At this time, choosing to turn against each other is not the best choice, morally or in terms of strength.

For Mincheng, even if the new council can try to use legal robbery of the wealth to help the poor to create a slightly better life at the bottom of the Fujian city, it will not be possible to have independent thoughts.

On the one hand, it is a long-term unified foundation and cultural tradition, and does not give independent thoughts a living soil.

On the other hand, what industrial capitalists and maritime merchants are most reluctant to split. Opening up colonies and maintaining colonies requires a large amount of capital investment. Maintaining a huge market for a common, unqualified republic is their interests.

Chen Jian had already planted a nail at the National People's Congress where Nanyang Company was established a few years ago.

At that time, some capitalists and plantation operators in Minjun had already had rifts with some families in the north. Because of those franchise rights, food imports were prohibited under illegal famine, sugar could not cross the river, migration was prohibited, and overseas raw material tariffs had already made these interest groups with increasingly large appetites dissatisfied, let alone strange ideas such as independence.

In name, it was to compromise and take care of the north to prevent profit from the people, but in fact it was to secretly incite the new capital group to completely break the shackles of the old era. The theories and reasons that were incited would be sufficient when the power of the future was sufficient.

Unless the power can be strong enough to turn the north into a colony, maintaining a republic, killing the current vested interest class, completely free domestic market, cheap raw materials and domestic dumping markets, clearing off feudal and family remnants, and fighting for political rights are the best choice for capital.

Article 2 of the program is the rationality of the new council, as well as the rights, obligations, directions, rights, etc. of the establishment of a new council of the Republic of China under the jurisdiction of the Republic of China.

Without touching the composition of the old council, a civilian council under the new voting rights system was established in accordance with the call of the people of all parties after the uprising.

There are no more direct official appointments, guild leaders, glory families and other figures in the new civilian council, but are elected according to hierarchical votes and regions.

Unlike in the past, new council members not only do not need to pay the qualification fee for the deliberation, but also need to receive a portion of full-time salary from the county's new civil servant fees. The number is small but can support their families, thereby changing the property monopoly of part-time council members.

The members of the county who went to participate in the People's Congress of the Capital were still elected by the original rules according to the previous examples, and the new civilian council did not participate or change it to maintain the legal system of the Republic.

The review, expenditure, statistics, and some public affairs that were originally part of the county's financial expenses and county-level taxes, as well as some regulations that did not violate the interests of the Republic, are decided by the new board of directors.

In order to differentiate the old forces, the chairman of the new council proposed that the deputy governor of the county, Li Yuanshan, who has formulated many favorable elements of the bourgeoisie in Fujian, have been appointed in recent years, and to test the ambitions of Li Yuanshan and the bottom line for such a struggle for the Mincheng city.

Unexpectedly, after learning about the Mo Party's program, Yuanshan immediately stated that this was the right that the Chinese people should have. It was his honor to be granted such trust and rights by the Chinese people, and he accepted it with pleasure.

As a big family, after witnessing the various changes in Fujian City, two-sided betting became the embodiment of a big family with a sensitive sense of smell. At this time, a big family that does not understand two-sided betting is unqualified.

There is no family planning at this time. No big family has three or five capable children, one invests in the main, one invests in the landlord, one is businessman, one is in politics, one is conservative, and one is innovating. No matter where the side wins in the future, the family can always continue and make sure to make a profit or lose.

Article 34: All are legality, rationality and other things, which have great significance, but their symbolic and ideological significance are far higher than their actual significance.

In short, it is just a sentence: we are not rebelling or rebelling, we are just fulfilling the obligations and responsibilities of the people, exercising the rights of the people granted by Ji Xia when he was founded hundreds of years ago, and we do so reasonably and legally, and we can find the basis from the old paper pile.
Chapter completed!