"Have the people from the Academy discussed something today?" Mu Tan asked about the affairs of the Academy after training every day. Although the parliament is messy and the personnel change frequently, everyone expressed their opinions and analyzed the problem more thoroughly.

A few days ago, when several salt merchants in Xuzhou went to Chengdu to trade, they yelled in the parliament. When the transaction was over, they hurried back to Xuzhou. The mobility of these merchants made them unable to stay in the parliament for the whole time to perform their duties. For local farmers, it is the slack season, so there are always many locals gathering around the parliament. For them, this is a good opportunity to popularize the Western Sichuan policy.

"Now the Council has reached a consensus. The heavy taxes of the Luting Court are one of the issues in the southeast, and the second is the ban on sea and the expropriation of ships. Because the Yangtze River shipping has almost stopped and the shipyards have been locked up by them, the situation is a mess." Ren Tang said with a disdainful tone: "The people there are very few profits even if they work hard, they have reduced production of various goods, and even affected our trade." When Fengjie heard Zhou Peigong's envoy narrating the embarrassment, he came up with this idea, but both Kuidong and the governor of the Southeast are completely unaware. Deng Ming's BRICS theory is a consensus in the army, so the Ming army has a considerable understanding of the importance of business.

In addition to the people who moved out of the coastal areas, Huang Wu's ban on seafarers was to crack down on merchants to cut off Zheng Chenggong's wealth. Although some of the merchants were Zheng Chenggong's dependent households, there were still many innocent merchants who were detained in the name of "Tongzheng". Some of the ban on seafarers did not mainly do business with Zheng Chenggong, but had the idea of ​​making money. With the promotion of the ban on seafarers in coastal provinces, local officials further expanded the scope of the "Tongzheng" business and used this as an excuse to plunder the merchant's property.

Now the governments and clerks in coastal provinces are in a carnival, frantically snatching those business businesses without backgrounds; the most typical example of the big businessmen with official backgrounds is Hui merchants, who were hit hard by the joint efforts of Deng Ming, Jiang Guozhu and Lin Qilong.

"If the merchants in the hospital said it well, the situation in the southeast will continue to deteriorate. After the commerce is completely destroyed, the agriculture and industry in the southeast will also retreat greatly, and it seems that the famine will continue to spread." A hint of worry appeared on Mu Tan's face. The Qing Dynasty's ban on sea ruling was like cutting off his arm to treat abscesses on his hands. However, the Qing court's vitality was severely damaged, and Zheng Chenggong would also be in a dilemma. If the business no longer exists, Zheng Chenggong's smuggling would also become a problem: "And this will also be harmful to us. After the people in the southeast are poor, they will not be able to afford our salt and goods. If we grow cotton, we can't make much money, and not many people will weave silk and cotton. We want to engage in business without any goods."

Through the discussion in the parliament, the people in western Sichuan have gradually gained a vague understanding of these principles. Veterans who had heard Deng Ming talk about the BRICS theory are also volunteer propagandists of policies. Under anxiety, some farmers have already shouted outside the parliament to interfere in the Southeast policy, and some have also gone to the prefect's office to petition, asking the prefect to come up with countermeasures immediately.

"If the shipping collapses, life with the scholars will not be so easy!"

"When fiscal revenue is low, subsidies will drop, and maybe taxes will be raised, and there will be no free education."

These rumors were all circulated from the hospital, which immediately made the people of Chengdu indignate.

Ren Tang smiled and said, "Their daughter-in-law is even harder to find. Everyone understands it because of their own interests."

At the beginning, the members of the Council made preparations in advance and let the people know that war was beneficial to them, so that if financial and military mobilization were carried out in the future, it would be easier to gain the understanding of the people; but as the people accepted their statements, the calls for force interference became increasingly high, which in turn would have an impact on the Council. Now, military interference has been the consensus of all members of the Council. What they discussed every day was how to intervene to enable western Sichuan to gain the greatest benefit.

The plan to massacre gentry to obtain wealth has long been rejected, and doing so can only make the Southeast poorer. The governor of the Southeast may be able to temporarily solve the urgent problem, but there is no benefit worth mentioning for western Sichuan, and it will lose potential partners. It does not seem like a good idea to help Jiangnan get tax cuts. Although it is good for the Southeast, the Southeast is now the enemy's territory, and the people of western Sichuan cannot see where it is beneficial to them to help the Southeast strengthen their strength.

"Beijing is sucking blood from the southeast. We are the same, but one is a tax means and the other is a trade means. If the southeast becomes stronger, it will certainly increase its resistance to Beijing, but it will also increase its resistance to us. It would be better to let the southeast become weaker, and it will rely more on us and cannot refuse our requests." Mutan retelled a summary of the meeting of the institute. He believed that this summary was very reasonable. In the final analysis, the governor of the southeast was still the enemy: "Today, the court had a preliminary plan, which was to sell ships to the southeast to help them restore business. The people worked hard to bear the taxes of the Qing court. If the things they made were sold, the people's lives would be better and also ensure our supply of goods. We can purchase them at a very cheap price, as long as the hard-working people don't starve to death or quit their hands."

"Didn't selling ships to the Southeast Governor strengthen their strength?" asked Ren Tang.

"The meaning of the Council is to let Jiang Guozhu and Zhang Chao set up some official shipping companies, which are placed under the name of the Zongli Yamen of the Suppression of Deng. We sell the ships to these trading companies, and let Jiang Guozhu and others exchange them for sealed shipyards, unemployed ship workers, and relocated fishermen, and sailors. We still have half of these shipping companies, and we can check the accounts."

"This is a good idea." Ren Tang nodded. For the Ming army, this is the relationship between selling the left hand to the right hand, and trade profits can be rich in addition to meeting the needs of Kuitong's allies. This monopoly shipping can not only maintain business, but also squeeze out the profits in it: "In other words, in addition to the smuggling of Chongming Island, other commercial transportation should also be held in our hands?"

"Yes, in name, it is under the gates of the General Li Yamen to suppress Deng, but the Council must appoint a general office. We have the final say on how much tax is collected. If Jiang Guozhu and Zhang Chao dare not disagree..."

"Let him know how powerful we are." Ren Tang sneered: "Don't Kuidong want to fight? This time they have a place to use their skills."

With the convening of the hospital meeting, many of Deng Ming's policies became no longer a secret within Chengdu. Even many agreements between western Sichuan and Liangjiang were exposed at the hospital meeting, which shocked the Shanxi people who had just arrived in Chengdu. The Mongolians even recalled the bizarre aspects of the Battle of Gaoyou Lake. However, there was no radio at this time, even if it was a well-known secret in Chengdu, it would not be spread from Sichuan. Ren Tang and others also had no concern about this. Jiang Guozhu and others were enemies, and even if they were really unlucky, they would not feel sorry for it. However, if the hospital wants to make the right decision, they must know these correct information.

Based on this plan outline, the Academy made some revisions, and finally, in the name of Deng Ming, formally ordered the prefects of Chengdu and Xuzhou, requiring a comprehensive mobilization to join forces with the Kuidong League Army to attack Jiangnan.

The authorization to the military is: First, if Jiang Guozhu or Zhang Chao refuses the resolutions of the Senate and the Imperial Parliament, the military has complete freedom to take any necessary actions; if the Governor of Liangjiang agrees to the resolutions of the Council, the Imperial Army can attack Shandong and along the coast of Zhejiang and assist sailors who were forced to move to Chengdu. Secondly, the attacks on Shandong and Zhejiang should be compensated by Liangjiang to ensure that the informed Governor of Liangjiang avoid becoming the focus of the Qing court, and letting them share the spoils will help them willingly assist the work of the Ming army.

After the mobilization order was issued, a large number of fellow scholars in Chengdu signed up enthusiastically, and the same was true in Xuzhou. In the end, the Ming army mobilized a total of 50,000 people, which was twice to twice the expected number.

This was an unprecedented large-scale mobilization. In the past, Deng Ming needed to promise various benefits to the soldiers. The funds for this mobilization were probably less than 20,000 people in the past, but now they have mobilized 50,000 people. Li Xinghan, the highest rank, was appointed as the commander-in-chief of the Expeditionary Force, Zhou Kaihuang stayed behind, and Mu Tan and Ren Tang accompanied him.

Speaking of the efficiency of this mobilization, the officers of the Ming army were all proud: "Now both scholars understand that this war is related to their future lives. The Academy also made a request to the governor of Liangjiang to assist the Ming army in their blind date activities."

Since such a large army could be mobilized, the Senate was unwilling to let the Kuidong League join the war, but instead proposed a compensation agreement to the committee: the Kuidong Army was responsible for clamping down Chongqing when the western Sichuan army left Sichuan, and the western Sichuan army would subsidize their expenses.

After learning about this, Liu Tichun and his team conducted an emergency discussion. When Deng Ming was away, western Sichuan could mobilize a large army to fight, which made the generals of Kuidong overjoyed. They also knew that the plan had changed a lot, and the people in western Sichuan were willing to use more reliable troops to conduct military operations. The threat from Chongqing was objective. After the discussion, Liu Tichun said that the Kuidong coalition forces would be driven to Chongqing for surveillance, but he claimed that if the Kuidong army could capture Chongqing and resolve this threat once and for all, western Sichuan should bear all additional military expenses and give more allowances.
Chapter completed!