July 14, 1918 at 20:30 Moscow Kremlin

"Everyone heard it? Comrade Joseph and the Southern Front not only refused to give up the south of Saratov and Charizin, but also demanded the establishment of the Volga Military Region to unify the command of all the party, government, military and civilians and troops in the Volga River Basin, and also have diplomatic autonomy! Be good, this is a big fight!"

Ulyanov's tone was full of unpredictable and sour meaning. Obviously, the authority of the Soviet Central Committee in Moscow was challenged by Taritzin, which made Ulyanov, the chairman of the Soviet Central Committee, lose his composure for a while.

The huge conference room was silent for a moment. Although the Central Committee members present were not all of the Soviet Central Committee, they were basically all of the Central Committee in Moscow who could speak. Even Stelvjov, who had gone to find a room to make up for his sleep, had already rushed over at this time, sitting in the corner and rubbing his face constantly, trying to drive away his sleep.

"Let's talk about it. I think this telegram from Chalizin can be recorded in the history of the Bolsheviks. Why, Central Committee members, are you all mute?" Ulyanov was obviously a little anxious.

In the Central Committee of the Soviet Union and the Bolshevik Party, Ulyanov was the unscrupulous leader and helmman, while Trotsky was the founder of the Soviet Union's Red Army. In 1918, when civil wars broke out, Trotsky and his Red Army appeared on every battlefield needed to block the attack of the White Guards.

This made Trotsky, chairman of the Supreme Revolutionary Military Commission of the Soviet Union, also the unquestionable Soviet regime and the second leader of the party. In fact, in Wang Geng's previous life, if Trotsky had not supported Ulyanov's multiple times, our small leader would not have been able to reach the highest position in the central Soviet Union.

However, as the leader, Ulyanov had a natural sensitivity and reaction to factional struggles and power balances within the organization. In fact, whether it is a regime or a gang, the second leader mostly eats grass and squeezes milk. At critical moments, he can still be led by the boss to make a fuss as a beef.

The fundamental reason is that the second leader often poses the position that poses the greatest threat to the position of the boss and is most likely to form challenges and internal strife. Ulyanov cannot avoid the common people, so he favors Joseph in the battle to defend Chalizin and suppress Trotsky, chairman of the Supreme Military Commission.

It must be said that Comrade Ulyanov is quite visionary. At this time, his health was not a problem. The assassination in Wang Geng's previous life did not happen. The emergence of penicillin produced by the R&D center of the Chinese King in the United States in the world made Comrade Ulyanov's close comrade, Sdelviev, escape the invasion of Spanish flu.

Comrade Ulyanov's health in 1918 was very good. Except for the frontline and food, the guy's mind was swollen, nothing else blocked his way forward. Neither Derrensky's Chika, nor the Southern Front and Joseph of Tarrizin could challenge Ulyanov's status in turn. They should be just the most effective soldiers under Comrade Chairman's command.

Of course, Ulyanov did not expect that in just a few days, Joseph Visarionovic Jugashvili would be able to challenge the Soviet Central Committee of Moscow, establish the Volga Military Region and the Volga Front to uniformly command the Soviet Red Army in the Volga River Basin to deal with Kolchak and Ufa coalition forces.

This is a barely speaking, but if all the power of the Party, Government, Military and Engineers belongs to the Volga Military Region, where will the Soviets be placed? And the power of foreign negotiations, where will Moscow be placed? Where will the Central Committee of the Soviet Union be placed?

No wonder Comrade Ulyanov was a little breathless and was striding back and forth in the conference room, while looking at every Central Committee member beside him, thinking about their position and direction, would he stand on his own side or support the price tags that Chalizin and Joseph called to the central government!

At the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of Russia (Brazzard) held in March 1918, after democratic elections, the Soviet Central Committee of Russia produced a total of 15 formal Central Committee members, namely Ulyanov, Trotsky, Bukharin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, Sokolinkov, Joseph, Chichelin, Stasova, Sverdlov, Bubnov, Lomov, Krestinsky, Derrensky, Uritsky, and 14 alternate Central Committee members.

At the beginning, fifteen Soviet Central Committee members could almost be divided into three categories. Ulyanov's previous die-hard supporters were Stelveyov, Derzhinsky, Joseph, Chichelin, Stasova, while Kamenev, Zinoviev, Uritsky, Bubnov and Klestinsky stood on Trotsky's side most of the time, and Bukharin's follower was only one Lomov.

In fact, Bukharin took advantage of Ulyanov's resignation and gave up the offer and temporarily leaped to the position of chairman of the Central Committee. However, Bukharin, who was more ambitious than capable, obviously did not have the ability to control the complex situations at home and abroad, and his attempt to challenge the supreme leader was completely failed.

Fortunately, Ulyanov never regarded Bukharin as a heavy party competitor, so he did not make things difficult for him. The editor-in-chief of Pravda and the People's Committee of the Central Propaganda was still reserved for him. Bukharin changed from an overestimator to a pretentious middle-swinger.

At this time, Bukharin could also be said to be a fence-bearer in the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. Of course, most of the time, this guy's position was closer to Chairman Comrade Ulyanov, because Trotsky looked down on this party theorist who only talked.

Ulyanov was walking in the conference room with his hands behind his back, while quietly looking at the Central Committee members in each conference room. Logically speaking, as long as Trotsky maintained a unified position with him, Joseph's attempt to force the palace would never be easily approved by the Central Committee.

Then, even if Joseph jumps out and challenges himself, the four votes in the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, Stepviev, Derzhinsky, Stasova and Chichelin are definitely their basic security votes.

But slowly, Derzhinsky and his Cheka had previously anti-counterfeiting work in the North Caucasus Military Region and the Southern Front Army. They were allegedly supported by Joseph. The cooperation between the two sides complemented each other very tacitly. Could it be that these two guys had reached a deal in private?

Ulyanov's eyes quietly moved to Derrensky's face in a corner of the conference room, trying to see a clue. Derrensky's thin and tall body was buried on the sofa chair, and his long legs were stretched out on the carpet in front of him. His body posture looked casual, neither nervous nor arrogant, and his face was as bitter as ever, deep and deep brows were frowning.

It doesn't seem like he has any private understanding and dealings with Joseph. Let's take a look, Ulyanov moved his eyes from Derrensky to Bukharin. The editor-in-chief of Pravda obviously read such a large passage of telegram just now, which hurt his god. He was a little unsatisfied at this moment, his eyes were dull and distracted, playing with a pencil in his hand, muttering silently in his mouth, not knowing what he was muttering.

After walking around, I looked at Kamenev and Zinoviev. The two of them gathered together and whispered, not knowing what they were going to do. Sdelveyev and Trotsky got together at some point, and were also muttering about something.

"Comrades! Don't hold a small meeting. If you have anything to say on the table, the Bolsheviks should be open and upright, not to be tug at all. Everyone will tell you what their opinions are made by the requests made by Charizin and Comrade Joseph!" Ulyanov stopped and stood in the middle of the conference room, waving his arms and shouting.

The Chairman of the Soviet Central Committee shouted, "It is hard for the Central Committee members present to keep their heads down and not chew on their breath anymore, especially Bukharin was a little unable to sit still after Ulyanov's repeated glances, so he had to stand up and express his opinion first.

"It sounds good to establish the Volga Military Region and the Volga Front. The enemy to the east are Kolchak and Ufa coalition forces. It seems that the other side has no unified command. The coalition forces only fight the coalition forces. Kolchak is in Kazan and I don't know what to think. From this perspective, it seems that our command to unify the Volga River Basin is not that necessary.

The Volga River is 1,500 kilometers from Nizhny Novgorod in the upper reaches to Taritzin in the lower reaches. It is not easy to command such a wide area. In fact, there is no precedent. I suggest that the central government carefully consider this issue, and it’s over."

As he said that, Bukharin sat down in sweat, picked up the water cup on the table and sucked it hard. His little face was blushing and obviously the first to express his errands was not easy to do. Fortunately, this guy was very tactful. No matter what conclusion he came to in the end, he could not be considered as standing opposite.

Bukharin's statement was obviously not beyond the expectations of other Central Committee members. Ulyanov's face was much gentler after hearing this. At least Bukharin could see that he was quite disgusted and dissatisfied with the conditions put forward by Joseph in the telegram!
Chapter completed!