Naturally, Derrensky was still a member of the Supreme Military Commission of the Soviet Union, and he also accepted the leadership of the Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Supreme Military Commission. Fortunately, Derrensky was still silent, low-key and taciturn. Trotsky and Sverdlov had a good impression of the Chairman of the Chika and the new Politburo member.

The Central Committee of the Soviet Union, the Politburo member, the 138 Reading Books, Sverdlov, who also served as a member of the Soviet People's Organization and the Commander of the Volga Military Region and Front Army, is the biggest winner of the actual interests after the Soviet Union took over Joseph, who was not defeated by the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, and the biggest winner of the Central Government. The main force of the Volga Front Army's southern front, Giddies' 10th Army and the 8th Army of Rasevic were originally the direct troops that Joseph built and supported in Chalizin.

Standing on the position of the Volga Military Region and the Front Commander, Sverdlov, as the commander, had no reason to disagree with the plan of political commissar Kamenev, deputy commander and second political commissar Voroshilov. The 41st Infantry Division is the main division of the Southern Front and the 10th Army. Tkachev led the 41st Infantry Division to undertake the task of cutting off the rear and blocking the enemy and was surrounded by the enemy's superior forces, especially the four Cossack cavalry divisions that surrounded him. In this case, whoever was commanded was a fantasy to break through successfully, unless strong reinforcements arrived to rescue the siege!

"Vladimir Ilyic, Comrade Chairman, members, I think there is no problem with the decision of the Volga Front Command. In fact, early this morning, the 42nd Division of the Infantry of the 10th Army, under the command of the division commander Dimitry Dimijevichwasiliyev, covered the group army's nearly 4,000 minor and serious wounded personnel retreated into the non-military buffer zone in two days of combat, which preserved the strength of the 10th Army and avoided being annihilated by the superior forces of the Kolchakbet Guard cavalry... ""Look

Sverdlov lit the cigarette that had just been rolled up in his hand, took a sip, and frowned and answered Ulyanov's question. As for Bukharin, the editor-in-chief of the "Pravda", it was not in the eyes of this guy at this moment. As the boss of the Volga Military Region and the Front Army, if you don't stand up to protect your cub at this time, you can't argue anywhere. How can you win people's hearts in the future and let them feel at ease to follow you?

"Yakov Mikhainovic, in fact, the Volga Army had not reported to the Moscow Central Committee in advance. We only approved the front army's plan to retreat the main force on the southern line to Kuznetsk and take the north transfer to the north. However, the troops that could not be retreated into the non-military buffer zone to be captured by the Volga Federation. Originally, the demarcation of the non-military buffer zone was the barbaric trampling and invasion of the Soviet sovereignty by the Volga Federation. Now, Giddies sent the troops directly to be captured by others! What is this to send sheep into the mouth of the tiger?"

Bukharin was still unwilling to give in, but he was right. In fact, in the combat plan reported by Voroshilov from Nizhny Novgorod yesterday midnight, he only said that the two armies on the southern line retreated south and west to north, retreated along the railway line to the Nizhny Novgorod line of Saransk, preparing to concentrate the main force of the front army, push eastward along the railway line of the northern line, and took down Cheboksare with one move, and marched to the city of Kazan, forcing the main force of Kolchak to return north with exhaustion, and then the decisive battle between the main forces of the two sides!

"Bukharin, shut up! Don't shout slogans all day long. I admit that your editorials in Pravda are well written, and your speeches are also inspiring and infectious, but this is war, this is a life-and-death on the front line! It is not possible to solve the problem by just talking nonsense. The main force of Giddies on the southern front retreated under the siege of Kolchak's superior forces, and wouldn't leave behind troops to block the rear? What else can the wounded not escort to the non-military buffer zone? Leave them to the White Guards to ruin them? Or ask them to commit suicide? Those are the more than 4,000 revolutionary soldiers who were gloriously wounded for the Soviets. Can we abandon them?"

Sverdlov did not hide his plan to make things difficult for Bukharin, which was only able to talk and sing and stir up trouble, and he started to curse directly. The Soviet Central Committee members present obviously rarely saw Sverdlov getting such a big temper. Bukharim was scolded for a moment and pointed at Sverdlov with a trembling voice and couldn't speak.

"For the reason of preserving strength, or the fact that the Red Army troops that were cut off from the rear could not be allowed to fall to the position of being completely wiped out by the main force of Kolchak, I think the choice made by the Volga Front is understandable. The wounded entered the non-military buffer zone under the escort of the 42nd Infantry Division to seek asylum. Although the face was a bit unbearable, it was still acceptable. The Kameshen Infantry Division commanded by Pavlov and the 1st Cavalry Division of Temushingo, such as the well-preserved main forces entering the non-military buffer zone as prisoners, are Voroshilov and Gidis a little far away?"

The speaker was Bubnov, a member of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, a member of the National People's Congress and commander of the Moscow Garrison, and Andrei Sergeievic Bubnov, a Russian member of the pseudonym Himik and Yakov. The pseudonym A, Grotov, C, Yaglov, etc., and was born on March 23, 1883 in Ivanovo Woznezsensk.

Bubnov joined the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1903, and in 1905 he served as a member of the Ivanovo Woznezsensk Party Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. In 1906, he served as a member of the Executive Board of the Ivanovo Woznezsensk Alliance of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. In 1907, he worked in Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Petersburg, Samara and other cities, and was repeatedly persecuted and exiled by the Tsarist Russian government.

On October 1023, 1917, he was elected to the previous Politburo at the Central Meeting of the Bolshevik Party. On October 1629, 1917, he was elected as a member of the Revolutionary Military Headquarters of the Party Central Committee leading the October Armed Uprising. After the October Revolution, he served as a member of the Petersburg Revolutionary Military Commission and the political commissar of the Municipal Railway Station. He participated in the struggle to pacify the Karekin rebellion and consolidate the Don River Soviet regime.

In March 1918, he was appointed as a member of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Bolshevik Party and a member of the Ukrainian Soviet Government, and was once close to the "leftist". The main leader of the leftist was Bukharin, a young party theorist. In the first negotiation of the Brestlitovsk peace treaty with Germany, the leftist led by Bukharin occupied the dominant position in the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, with the largest number of people.

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Chapter completed!